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Showing posts with label Parole. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Parole. Show all posts

Saturday, December 7, 2013

CA Three-Strikes Reform

Posted Dec 1, 2013 4:00 AM CST
By Lorelei Laird
image
Mike Reynolds: "The full impact of Prop 36, either positive or negative, is really yet to be felt." Photo by Norbert Von der Groeben.
In 1992, 18-year-old student Kimber Reynolds came home to Fresno, Calif., to be a bridesmaid. As she left a restaurant, two men rolled up on a motorcycle and tried to snatch her purse. When she resisted, one of them shot her. She died 26 hours later.
As the Reynolds family grieved, they learned that the shooter and his accomplice both had long rap sheets, largely for drugs and petty theft. Outraged that they had been freed, Mike Reynolds, Kimber’s father, wrote a proposed “three strikes and you’re out” law for repeat offenders.
Two years later, California passed that law, both as a ballot initiative and through the state legislature. Advertised as a way to keep violent recidivists off the streets, the three-strikes law doubled prison time for a second felony if there was a prior serious or violent felony, as defined by state law. Offenders with two serious or violent priors faced 25 years to life for the third “strike.”
But to qualify for the life sentence, that third felony didn’t have to be serious or violent. As a result, California began sentencing people to life for crimes like petty theft and drug possession. The law was challenged for 18 years, including two unsuccessful appeals to the U.S. Supreme Court.
In the meantime, second- and third-strikers made up roughly a quarter of California’s large prison population, straining the state budget. Advocates say 3,000 to 3,500 of California’s current third-strikers are serving 25 years to life for nonserious, nonviolent felonies. All of this may explain why 69 percent of Californians voted last year for Proposition 36, a ballot initiative that radically reformed the three-strikes law. Now, defendants may only be sentenced to 25 years to life if their crime was serious or violent, or they have disqualifying crimes—generally very violent crimes or sex offenses—among their priors. All other third felonies will be sentenced to double the time in prison, as if they were second strikes.
And more important, the law permits inmates who are already serving life sentences for nonviolent, nonserious crimes to petition for resentencing. As with new felonies, their new sentences would still be double the normal penalty for the underlying crime. But because such inmates have already served up to 19 years, resentencing usually means release from prison.

TRIAGE UNIT

Los Angeles County, the most populous county in the state and the nation, has by far the most prisoners eligible for resentencing. The Los Angeles Superior Court, the court of first jurisdiction, had received 1,389 petitions as of late October. To handle this flood, the county has set up a special system that consolidates all petitions under one judge, whose job is to handle nothing but resentencing of three-strikes prisoners until at least the end of this year.
The petitions are overwhelming all players in the county’s justice system. “Since Prop 36 passed, we get probably 150 calls a day,” says Harvey Sherman, a deputy public defender. (Though prisoners are not generally entitled to an attorney for post-conviction assistance, his office and many other California public defenders’ offices have agreed to represent three-strikes petitioners.)
“I would characterize it as an avalanche,” says Beth Widmark of the LA County district attorney’s Third-Strike Resentencing Unit.
Usually, petitions for resentencing would go to the judge who originally sentenced the defendant, or—because so many judges are retired—to one randomly selected. But the volume of Prop 36 petitions got to be too much for the leaders of the superior court, so they decided to consolidate the petitions under a single judge.
The job went to Judge William Ryan, who was already the go-to judge in the county for writs of habeas corpus. He says this isn’t the first one-judge system for handling special cases. After the 1990s Rampart scandal, in which corrupt Los Angeles police officers admitted to framing defendants, thousands of petitions for writs of habeas corpus were consolidated in front of one judge.
Sherman, whose Public Integrity Assurance Section was founded in response to the Rampart incidents, says 130 petitioners were ultimately freed in those cases. But under Proposition 36, there are already far more: As of late October, 263 prisoners had been resentenced in Los Angeles County alone. Furthermore, there’s a two-year deadline hurrying the petitions; eligible prisoners must show good cause if they file later.
Another reason the system is overwhelmed is the huge amount of paperwork each case generates. In addition to determining whether to disqualify prisoners with certain priors, Proposition 36 requires Ryan to decide whether the petitioner poses a threat to society. The average time served by the county’s petitioners is 14 years, Ryan says, leaving a backlog of more than a decade of records for each inmate. All must be carefully reviewed, particularly by prosecutors deciding whether to oppose a petition. Each petition requires a response within 45 days, so Widmark’s unit must respond to between 70 and 100 cases a week.
Because neither Proposition 36 nor state law provided a clear system for handling the petitions, Ryan says, the first thing he did after his November 2012 appointment was to agree with the prosecutor’s and public defender’s offices to treat them as if they were habeas corpus petitions.
Then, he says, the parties “triaged” the petitions: They moved those that were unopposed by prosecutors to the front of the line, with the goal of clearing those out quickly.

PATIENCE TESTED

It hasn’t gone as quickly as hoped. At a morning of hearings in mid-August, the court was still hearing unopposed petitions. Ryan says the average time from petition to resentencing in Los Angeles County is 148 days. He will be working on the cases until all are completed, unless the hearings become overwhelming. In that case, the superior court has authorized adding additional judges to the project.
“Some inmates are getting impatient,” Ryan says. “They didn’t use violence when they committed their crime, so they thought the doors of the prison should swing open” the day after voters approved Prop 36.
Discussion at those August hearings focused mainly on the defendants’ re-entry plans. Ryan emphasizes that success after prison, particularly in the first 90 days, depends largely on access to food, housing, jobs and addiction treatment, if applicable. (It often is; Ryan says that 37 percent of his petitioners’ life crimes were tied to drug crimes, and 56 percent more were property crimes that were likely related to drugs.)
“Before resentencing, they have to lay that out for me,” says Ryan. “When they release them, they give them $200 and a bus ticket and say, ‘Good luck.’ And that’s not necessarily the most humane thing to do.”
Because other counties are already hearing opposed petitions, the California appeals courts have begun to consider some of the gray areas in the law. That includes two cases from San Diego that raise the question of whether possession of a firearm by a felon is the kind of serious, violent crime that disqualifies the defendant from resentencing.

THE NEXT STAGE

Thus far, those who have been released have largely stayed out of trouble. The county probation department is supervising only 28 of the 200 people released in the county, but a representative said in mid-August that only two had been arrested again. If that’s every new arrest, it’s a minuscule recidivism rate.
Statewide, a study by the Stanford Three Strikes Project, a law school initiative advocating three-strikes sentence reductions, found a 2 percent recidivism rate in September, when prisoners had been out an average of 4.4 months. That study reported the average recidivism rate after 90 days—the crucial period during which people are most likely to re-offend—for non-Prop 36 prisoners was 16 percent.
But Reynolds, the father of the slain bridesmaid and a driving force behind the three-strikes law, says it’s too soon to determine if that reform has worked.
“The full impact of Prop 36, either positive or negative, is really yet to be felt,” he says. “Only a handful [of offenders] have really come out in comparison to the full number. Once they are fully released, the real question is: Now what happens?”
This article originally appeared in the December 2013 issue of the ABA Journal with this headline: "After Third Strike, Many Now Walk: California begins to release prisoners after reforming its three-strikes law."
Correction
Print and initial Web versions of "After Third Strike, Many Now Walk," December, should have stated that Judge William Ryan was appointed to handle Proposition 36 petitions in November 2012. The article also mistakenly reports that Ryan's appointment ends Dec. 31. He is assigned the cases until all are completed. And if the hearings become overwhelming, the Los Angeles Superior Court has authorized adding additional judges to the project.

The ABA Journal regrets the errors.

Thursday, December 5, 2013

SF Parolees to get More Programs

Sex Offenders in San Francisco may soon have more programs offered to them. As it stands now, the entire city of San Francisco is "off-limits" to those on parole and are forced to live on the streets in that city. To read more about this programs go to:

 http://www.sfexaminer.com/sanfrancisco/sex-offenders-released-in-sf-may-soon-have-more-programs-offered-to-them/Content?oid=2641098

Monday, June 11, 2012

New Law Speeds Up Release of Parolees

From: KMJ News, http://www.kmjnow.com/pages/landing?New-Law-Speeds-Up-Release-of-Parolees=1&blockID=613232&feedID=806

New Law Speeds Up Release of Parolees

KMJ News
The number of state parolees freed from law enforcement supervision jumped more than sixfold as a little-known law that speeds up the release process goes into effect.
   
About 8,500 parolees were taken off supervision in April, a number that surprised many law enforcement officials who said they were racing to figure out how to deal with it.
    
By contrast, about 1,300 parolees were discharged in March. 
   
The shift has two major effects:  it means those parolees will receive fewer rehabilitation services designed to ease their transition out of prison and it also effectively reduces the powers police have to monitor their conduct.
    
When a criminal is on parole, police have broad authority to conduct random searches and arrest them on such violations as possessing weapons or associating with other felons.  
   
The parolee change was included in several laws that Governor Jerry Brown signed last year to trim the budget shortfall by shifting from state to county authorities, all responsiblity for overseeing many prisoners and recently released inmates. 
  
Under the new law, parolees who were last imprisoned for a non-violent and non-sexual offense could be discharged in as little as six months.

Previously, they had to wait at least a year to end supervision.

Saturday, July 30, 2011

Advice for Parolees Seeking Employment

From: Prison Movement  http://prisonmovement.wordpress.com/

Advise for Parolees Seeking Employment

By Johnny Street
July 29, 2011 Make no mistake, parole is technically a duration of a sentence served outside of an institution, not an ending or completion of your sentence. It is treated like a step towards being completely free from obligation to the Corrections Department, but all those parameters (checking in, pissing in a cup, paying restitution) are all part of your sentence. This is also where it is really easy to violate your sentence, and wind up back in prison or jail. A key aspect that would make someone violate their parole is destitution, and what a horrible time to be destitute. It is common knowledge that unemployment statistics are appalling. Depending on where you live, anywhere from 10% to 25% of a population is without work. This does not even factor in those who’s unemployment benefits have expired, or the ones who are under employed. We’ve all heard our own horror stories of downsizing, lay-offs, and the random doctor who has to bag groceries to supplement their income. With all sorts of people desperate for work, any work, the ones on parole are now even lower on the employment food chain. If you are in such a mess, I hope these ideas help. Landing employment could very well be what makes you complete your parole, and stay out of institutions.
  1. Start Looking For A Job Before Parole Is Granted. Inmates who are eligible for parole are notified before their hearing by a case manager.
  2. Get As Many Good Letters Of Recommendation As You Can. With virtually every new place of employment running background checks on you, it is almost futile to think they won’t find out if you’ve been recently incarcerated. Be honest. Your word will only be taken at face value by a prospective employer, but what will help is by getting a recommendation from a third party. This can be a former employer, a religious figure, or even your parole officer.
  3. Call Your Parole Officer. Part of a Parole Officers job description is helping a parolee find long term employment. Obviously this can vary.
  4. Utilize All Social Services And Job Placement Agencies. The US Department of Justice can help you locate employers who hire parolees in your area.
  5. If You Believe You Are Being Discriminated Against During Your Job Hunt, Contact The ACLU. This is a very large grey area. You can be denied employment for a number of reasons. Obviously employers cannot deny you employment based on race, sex, sexual preference, or religion- but they can as long as they don’t cite one of those as the reason for it. All the same, you as a parolee still have rights, and the ACLU can inform you of what rights you have and if you are, in fact, being discriminated against.
  6. Contact The Head Of Your Local Place Of Worship. Churches are very connected within a community, and they can possibly suggest employers who are sympathetic to your situation.
  7. Persistence, Perseverance, Patience. It is not uncommon for a parolee to look for work and have nothing come of it. Even day labor can deny you employment based on you having a record. We live in a very unforgiving time when it comes to people out of work, and how much more that is amplified when you have been incarcerated for however long. Keep in mind your first line of getting back on your feet is your Parole Officer.
It is a shame that the concept of incarceration impairs you from living a prosperous life. It’s as if not only it is a system set up to promote failure on the parolee’s part, but your struggle is in fact an undocumented part of your sentence as well. To the victims of a crime you committed, the “serves you right” mentality is common. Either that or the altruistic “I forgive you”. No matter what put you in the situation of being on parole- being a raw deal, a plea to a lesser charge, or on a very rare occurrence of the punishment actually fitting the crime, parole is a very real and savage step when it comes to sentence fulfillment. In this cruel era of economic depression, never has getting back on your feet been harder for the parolee.

Friday, July 29, 2011

CA RSO's on Parole Banned from State Fair

SACRAMENTO - The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation's (CDCR) Division of Adult Parole Operations (DAPO) is again using its Global Positioning Satellite technology to increase security efforts at the California State Fair.
This multi-agency operation is a collaboration among the California Exposition and State Fair Police, the DAPO, the Sacramento Police Department, and the California Highway Patrol to ensure that sex-offender parolees, and GPS-monitored gang members comply with their terms of parole.
"For the third year in a row we have successfully kept prohibited sex-offender parolees out of the State Fair," DAPO Director Robert Ambroselli said. "Our agents are out there to keep the public safe, and this operation is helping us accomplish that mission."
Using state-of-the-art technology, DAPO established an electronic exclusion zone to alert on-site parole agents if a GPS-monitored sex offender parolee breaches the perimeter to enter the State Fair grounds. Approximately 20 DAPO agents are involved in the operation to help patrol the grounds during the fair's 18-day run.
"The highest priority for the California Exposition & State Fair is to provide a safe and fun environment for our State Fair guests," Police Chief Robert L. Craft said. "This law enforcement teamwork helps discourage the presence of criminal elements that may come to the State Fair only to prey on the public."
To date, during the 2011 California State Fair operation, surveillance activities have resulted in one GPS sex offender arrest, two additional GPS sex-offender parolee contacts escorted from the fair, and three at-large parolees arrested after citizen contacts with parole agents. Parole agents have worked in concert with the California State Fair Police to assist in gang GPS surveillance, non-parolee arrests, and in providing aid to fair patrons.
In 2010, there were a total of four arrests during the fair's run. One of the arrests occurred when a Sacramento County sex offender was too close to the State Fair perimeter and triggered an alert. The other arrests were of out-of-county parolees restricted from accessing the fairgrounds.
During the 2009 operation, five sex offenders were arrested for non-compliance after trying to enter the fair. Approximately 35 sex offenders on parole were arrested during compliance checks at six fairs throughout California.
California's Parole Division utilizes GPS technology daily to track and monitor sex offenders on parole. CDCR's use of technology and its partnerships with local law enforcement helps to improve public safety throughout the state.
Currently, there are approximately 1,750 GPS-monitored sex offenders in the DAPO's Region I, which stretches from Siskiyou County to Kern County. Region I also includes approximately 80 GPS-monitored gang members.
For more information about CDCR Parole and the GPS program, please visit this link: http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/Parole/index.html

Friday, May 13, 2011

Three Strikes

CRIME AND PUNISHMENT

Politics of 'three strikes' law


The "three strikes and you're out" law passed in the aftermath of the awful 1993 kidnapping and murder of 12-year-old Polly Klaas was advertised as a way to keep violent predators in prison. But the initiative passed by California voters was laden with unintended consequences - and cannot be changed in any significant way without another statewide vote. More than half of the third "strikes" that have triggered a 25-to-life sentence involve neither serious nor violent felonies. Even shoplifting can be escalated to a third-strike felony - bringing life imprisonment - for those with prior convictions of petty theft.
The law may be absurd, but it's proving difficult to change, as Gloria Romero knows all too well.

Prisons were built for the Richard Allen Davises of the world. Every cent spent keeping folks with his record of unrelenting violence segregated from the rest of society is well spent.
But the "three strikes" law has also led overzealous prosecutors, particularly in Kern and Riverside counties, to seek and receive life sentences against sad-sack or drug-addicted offenders whose crimes would otherwise merit probation or short incarcerations.
Then-Sen. Romero was working with Los Angeles District Attorney Steve Cooley in 2006 to curb the costly injustices of the "three strikes" law when she ran into resistance from fellow Senate Democrats. Their issue was not with the substance of her Senate Bill 1642, which would have asked voters to require that the third strike be either a violent or serious felony and would have eliminated certain lower-level crimes (petty theft, possession of small quantities of drugs) as strikes. Their worry was with the political consequences for two Democratic senators in tough primary races for lieutenant governor (Jackie Speier) and secretary of state (Debra Bowen).
"They did not want to be painted as 'soft on crime,' " said Romero, who described the blowback from her Democratic colleagues as "full-blown assaults." Cooley said he was "persona not grata" with some of his fellow district attorneys for several years because of his efforts on three-strikes reform.
SB1642 died in the Senate.
About 8,700 California inmates are now serving life sentences under the "three strikes" law. One of the most potent arguments for not tampering with the law is that it has kept down crime. In the broadest sense, it's possible to argue that locking up people with criminal records for the rest of their lives will reduce crime.
Let there be no doubt: The state is a safer place because some of them will be tucked into their cell beds until well into senior citizenship. But their danger to society is anything but universal.
Violent crime rates are at half-century lows almost everywhere, including the state of New York, which does not have a "three strikes" law. Criminologists have found no meaningful statistical distinctions between California counties that aggressively pursue "three strikes" sentences and those that do not.
This law comes with a considerable price, both in dollars and in the equity of our system of justice. California is the only state among the 23 that have "three strikes" laws that does not require the life-sentence-triggering offense to be a violent or serious felony.
"Worst criminal law in the country," said Michael Romano, a Stanford law professor whose students have been working on behalf of "three strikes" inmates. One of them stole two faucets from Home Depot as his third strike; another was caught in possession of a stolen cell phone; another tried to steal a car radio on the day the "three strikes" law was signed. Each is serving a life term, at a cost of more than $40,000 a year to taxpayers, with the tab certain to rise greatly as inmates age and health costs rise.
The U.S. Supreme Court fell one vote short of declaring the law to be cruel and unusual punishment in the 2003 ruling against Leandro Andrade, whose third strike was the theft of nine videotapes (combined value: $153) from two Kmart stores. Because Andrade had previous convictions of petty theft (defined as less than $400) it was classified a felony.
One of the "cruel ironies" of the Andrade case was that if his previous crimes had been rape and manslaughter, the maximum sentence he could have received for the videotape thefts would have been one year in jail, noted Erwin Chemerinsky, the UC Irvine School of Law dean who argued Andrade's case before the high court.
Since the 1960s, sentencing law has been a "one-way ratchet" upward, Chemerinsky noted during a symposium on the "three strikes" law in Los Angeles last week.
At some point, Californians need to reassess the sanity and efficacy of allegedly tough-on-crime laws. The existence of a $20 billion-plus deficit and overcrowding conditions that are inviting federal court intervention should be strikes one and two against an initiative that went too far and, too often, in curiously wrong directions.

Evolution of California's 'three strikes' law

April 1993: Assembly Public Safety Committee rejects a "three strikes" law crafted in response to the killing of 18-year-old Kimber Reynolds in Fresno by two repeat offenders. Outrage over bill's defeat leads to initiative drive.
October 1993: While petitions for "three strikes" initiative are circulating, knife-wielding career criminal Richard Allen Davis, right, kidnaps 12-year-old Polly Klaas from her Petaluma home. She is sexually assaulted and strangled. Davis had served only half of his most recent sentence (16 years for kidnapping, assault, burglary) and was wanted on a parole violation. Proposition 184 becomes the fastest-qualifying initiative in state history.
March 1994: Gov. Pete Wilson signs AB971, a "three strikes" law that passed by huge margins in the Assembly and Senate. Initiative backers are undeterred: They want to lock in enhanced punishments with an initiative that could not be weakened by legislators.
November 1994: California voters approve Prop. 184, 72-28 percent.
August 1996: Davis is sentenced to death. Today, he remains on San Quentin's Death Row.
March 2003: U.S. Supreme Court upholds California's "three strikes" law on a 5-4 vote.
November 2004: Prop. 66, which would have required that the "third strike" be a serious or violent felony, is rejected by California voters after a late surge of advertising warned that it would result in the release of thousands of dangerous convicts.
John Diaz is The Chronicle's editorial page editor. You can e-mail him at jdiaz@sfchronicle.com.


Read more: http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2011/05/07/INN21JB7OD.DTL&ao=all#ixzz1MFmuCN1a

Thursday, April 21, 2011

I Survived a RSO Parole Sweep Today and Interviewed by NBC Bay Area News

    Today around 5:00pm an army of Police and Parole  Agents swept down on local hotels and raided all the RSOs on parole. I of course was caught up in this raid. I was about to cook dinner when a loud bang, bang, bang was pounded on my door. "Open Up - Police!" came from the other side. I opened my door and was quickly handcuffed and ordered to sit outside my door and then I noticed all the cops and P.O.s raiding another 1/2 dozen rooms. All of us on parole where in handcuffs. The raid took about 45 minutes. Most my neighbors where out watching the raid. For those few who do not know I am a RSO, they do now. Even patrons across the street in our local stores came out to watch the circus. A news crew were interviewing other residents of the Hotel and most appeared in shock. Was this a raid for Terrorists? Drug Kingpins? Evil Gang Members? Nope, just a raid on a bunch of guys on parole trying to rebuild their lives. Which is almost impossible due to Jessica's Law. The reason a 1/2 a dozen RSOs are here is because that due to Residential Restrictions this is one of the few places we are "allowed" to live. For alot of us it is either here or on the streets. Reporter, Jean Elle, of NBC Bay Area News came up to me and asked if I'd be willing to be interviewed? I said I wanted to be interviewed. We talked about my 1989 wrongful conviction, my 25 year fight against The Sex Crime Witch Hunt in this country, and of course how useless Jessica's Law is and how much taxpayer money is totally wasted on It. I was mad at being dragged out of my "home", handcuffed for no reason, and all of my belongings torn apart for no good reason. Also, I was mad at being degraded and humiliated in front of my neighbors and stores across the street. I hope my anger doesn't come across too much on NBC News. I'm waiting to watch the story as I write this. Hope they don't do a hatchet job on me. I fully explained all the negative aspects of Jessica's Law during the interview. Hope they do not cut it. Well, about a hour until the show broadcasts on NBC Bay Area News. Will come back on to tell you how the broadcast goes.

Later - 11:12pm
    Well, they did not broadcast my interview. I wonder why? Looks like this story about sex offender raids was just another exploitative and sensationalistic piece on Jessica's Law. They did not show my interview, but they did show me sitting handcuffed outside my Hotel room. They did broadcast one of my neighbors who is now scared to death and told the reporter that she is moving immediately. Amazing, talk about fear mongering. I don't know what I was thinking. A network news show telling the truth about Jessica's Law? Yeah, right. I'm pissed! All the local news stations are airing shows about the raid here and of course their praising It. Pure Insanity! Oh well, I tried. I'm asking everyone to e-mail this reporter - Jean Elle at jean.elle@nbcuni.com and give their views on Jessica's Law. Thanks!
Click on the links below to see video of the raid. I am shown on TV handcuffed, but interview not aired.

http://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/Sex_Predator_Bust_in_Santa_Clara_Bay_Area-120438359.html



Help me spread the word about this raid. Send people this entire blog post and let other bloggers know about what happened to me today. Why? Because their next.

The Day After Attack (04/22/11)
    I woke up this morning still mad about yesterdays circus. I wonder how much this raid cost CA taxpayers? What good did the raid produce? Any? Well, the local Police, Parole Agents, U.S. Marshalls, and other State and Federal law enforcement officers made money yesterday. Also, all the local news stations got "breaking news" stories about all us evil sex offenders and literally cheered when a couple guys got arrested. They called us "Predators". Made me sick watching this propaganda on TV that only promotes fear, distrust, and scared the hell out of my neighbors. I may be moving again soon. This nightmare never ends. Clink on the link below to see what another TV station had to broadcast about the raid.

http://www.ktvu.com/news/27633419/detail.html .

Here's a copy of a Letter to the Editor I just sent to The San Jose Mercury Newspaper -
     I was a "victim" of yesterday's Sex Offender Predator Raid yesterday. I am a Registered Sex Offender in Santa Clara Co. who's "home" was raided by dozens of State and Federal Law Enforcement Agents. What good do these "raids" produce and at what cost to CA tax payers? I have been fighting The Sex Crime Witch Hunt and Jessica's Law for over two decades now after being falsely accused of rape in 1985. The sex crime hysteria in this country is at an all time high and has done far more harm, than good. I thought things were bad 25 years ago when I was falsely accused. Now we have Jessica's Law that has made me homeless, an outcast of society, I have a GPS Monitor locked onto my ankle, a curfew, and on and on. Jessica's Law is totally useless, It protects no one, costs CA taxpayers tens of millions of dollars a years, spreads fear in the community, and violates my Constitutional rights.    J. A.

See my blog - The Jessica's Law Nightmare in California at www.jessicaslawnightmare.blogspot.com/ .
My e-mail is innocentrso@hotmail.com

Tuesday, April 19, 2011

Personal Update

    Come this Saturday I will have been out of prison for 6 months ( I was sentenced to 4 years for refusing to "register") and life has been a nightmare because of CA's Jessica's Law/Scarlett Letter. Who would of ever thought I would still be fighting this battle in 2011 when I was wrongly convicted in 1989? I am still living in the same Hotel I moved into the day I got out due to Residential Restrictions for RSOs on Parole in CA. I can not find anywhere else to live. Feel like I've been banished from society. I'm not allowed to live in 70+ % of this county. Still have on this damn GPS Tracking Shackle ( It costs CA taxpayers $60,000,000+ a year for the GPS for RSOs on parole scam) locked onto my ankle that I have to charge up about 3 hours a day or go I back to prison. Have not found a job yet because I'm in an Out-Patient program for PTSD and alcoholism that takes up alot of my weekday time, but I've been down to the employment office and the Vet Rep is going to help me get a part-time job ( I'm a U.S. Air Force veteran). Even though life under CA's Jessica's Law is a surreal nightmare, all is not bad. I haven't had a drop to drink since I've been out, haven't cut off this damn shackle yet ( I promised myself I will never live as a Fugitive from Justice again), this blog has turned out better than I ever imagined, got off the sleeping pills I was on due to all the stress of Jessica's Law, I still have my old van I brought because I thought I would end up sleeping in It, and I have a small measure of hope that someday I can have a life. Not a life in prison. Not a life as a wanted man on the run. Not a life as a social outcast. A life that The U.S. Constitution promises ALL Americans - Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness. Jessica's Law denies them to RSOs, but hopefully this insane "law" that protects no one and costs CA taxpayers tens of millions of dollars a year will someday be overturned. Hopefully in my lifetime. Take care you all and keep fighting the good fight! I've been fighting The Sex Crime Witch Hunt for over 20 years now. Good luck my friends.   J.A.  

KPBS - Parole for RSOs in CA

These Days banner

The Story On Parole for Sexual Offenders

MAUREEN CAVANAUGH (Host): I'm Maureen Cavanaugh. You're listening to These Days on KPBS. San Diego continues to mourn the deaths of teenagers Chelsea King and Amber Dubois. Now that the memorial services are over, the conversation has turned toward prevention. Chelsea King's parents and a local Assemblyman are in the process of crafting a new Chelsea's law, which will reportedly focus attention on tightening up parole requirements for people convicted of sex crimes. The man charged with Chelsea's murder is a registered sex offender. The confusing part of this issue is that California has already tightened up parole and the length of prison sentences for sex offenders. The question is whether the reforms are being enforced, and practically speaking, are there enough resources, in terms of personnel and money, to carry out the reforms. San Diego CityBeat has conducted its own investigation into California’s sex offender laws. A feature published today is called “No Quick Fix.” And I’d like to welcome my guests Kelly Davis, associate editor of San Diego CityBeat. Kelly, welcome. Good morning.
KELLY DAVIS (Associate Editor, San Diego CityBeat): Good morning.
CAVANAUGH: And David Rolland is editor of San Diego CityBeat. David, good morning.
DAVID ROLLAND (Editor, San Diego CityBeat): Good morning.
CAVANAUGH: And I’d like to invite our listeners to join the conversation. Do you think California’s sex offender laws make sense? Do you have any idea how those laws might be changed? Give us a call with your questions and comments. Our number is 1-888-895-5727. You know, Kelly, there’s a lot of confusion about California’s sex offender laws and the title of your piece suggests we’ve been going about trying to fix the problem in the wrong way. So what do you think is wrong with the approach?
DAVIS: Well, currently the law, one of the main laws on the books in terms of sex offender management is Jessica’s Law or Prop 83, which was passed by voters in 2006. Well, part of the law was a voter mandate and then there was a portion that was passed by the legislature. But what it’s done is added these new layers of restrictions to paroled sex offenders: where they can live, there’s now GPS monitoring. And then, of course, prior to Jessica’s Law, we had Megan’s Law, which created a online database so the public can, you know, look up and see if any sex offenders are living in their neighborhood. But the thing is, all these provisions, monitoring, you know, where people live, monitoring, you know, where they are with the GPS, and maintaining the Megan’s Law website, it’s all very costly. And research study after research study, I mean, I read everything that I could find and then there was a lot more that I didn’t have time to read. There is really no evidence that any of these things prevent sex offenders from committing crimes, from recidivating. And so we have these very costly measures in place that there’s no basis in research to show that they’re making people safer.
CAVANAUGH: I want to talk to you more specifically about some of the things that you mentioned but another way of looking at it overall, I think, some people in your article actually say, you know, we’re – we go at these things too quickly without – and too emotionally. Tell us more about that.
DAVIS: Absolutely. I mean, you know, you look at the series of laws and they’re named after children who either – I know that the very first sex offender notification law was the Jacob Wetterling Act. He was abducted, although he’s never been found. I can’t remember the exact year that happened. Then we have Megan’s Law, Jessica’s Law, now Chelsea’s Law’s proposed. And, you know, when you have a child’s name tied to it, I think that really – the goal is to get people thinking about that child and what happened to that child and that’s what stirs the emotion. And you have the family of that child who is wanting to know exactly what happened and what can be done to fix it. So I think that…
CAVANAUGH: And so some people would have the question, Dave, what’s wrong with that?
ROLLAND: Well, what can be wrong with that, there’s nothing inherently wrong with that but what can be wrong with it is that when you’re driven by emotion, sometimes an intellect, you know, takes a back seat and, you know, we find that people are quick to bypass research that’s already been done, research that will tell you about people’s behaviors and what’s the best treatment for it and what’s the best prevention. So right now we’ve got probably a very well-meaning State Assemblyman, Nathan Fletcher, who is – seems to be driving a locomotive ready to propose Chelsea’s Law. We don’t know exactly what’s going to be in it. He has hinted some things about, you know, lifetime imprisonment for, you know, first time child rapists and that sort of thing, and all that sounds good but there is something in the state of California called the California Sex Offender Management Board that has done a lot of research. They’ve written reports. They’ve done their due diligence on the current laws and they have identified holes and made recommendations and what I fear is this emotion driven response. You know, Chelsea’s only been gone for a little more than a month here. It hasn’t been that long. And what we argue at CityBeat is that we need to go at this a little more slowly, really access the research that’s already been done and respond in smart ways rather than emotional ways.
CAVANAUGH: Kelly, I do want to – I want you to tell me a little bit more about the California Sex Offender Management Board because that is a group that features prominently in your article. What is it?
DAVIS: It was – it’s a 17-member, all volunteer board that was created by an Assembly bill in 2006 and they were charged with assessing California’s sex offender management practices and making recommendations to the governor and to the legislature. And I know there was a Union-Tribune article a couple of weeks ago, I think, that really criticized the board because there were some people who weren’t showing up to meetings, some, I think, governor legislative appointees who weren’t showing up. And the board has very little funding but despite all that, you do have a core group. You know, I’ve looked through all the minutes and there is this core group of experts, of clinicians, you know, Ph.D.s who have shown up for every meeting and really brought in people from the Department of Corrections, Department of Mental Health, from the district attorney’s offices throughout the state, taken testimony from them, and come up with some, what I think are just really, really informative reports on the deficiencies in sex offender management practices. And these reports just haven’t been heeded. I just want to know why, you know, when their first big, initial report in January 2008, when that came out why the legislature wasn’t beating the drum and waving the report, saying, lookit, look at these reforms that need to be made. We, you know, we’ve got to get better on how we manage sex offenders.
CAVANAUGH: I would’ve – I would – I think it fair to say that most Californians don’t know there is such a thing as the California Sex Offender Management Board.
DAVIS: Their website is casomb.org and if you go there, click on reports. You will see the work they’ve done and also they will point to work done by other groups, task force groups, panels and things that they – reports that they feel are important for the public to know. And I also want to add they will be doing a full review of what happened to Chelsea, how John Gardner was managed in prison and managed on parole. That report will not be done – they estimate it’ll be done in May. Nathan Fletcher’s rolling out his new law, I believe, the U-T story today said next week. One expert I spoke to for my story, Jill Levenson, who’s, you know, researched sex offender laws extensively, she said, you know, come on, look, let’s wait until – at least wait until the Sex Offender Management Board investigation is complete because that could provide a road map for policy changes and maybe for drawing up some new laws.
CAVANAUGH: I’m speaking with Kelly Davis and David Rolland, both of San Diego CityBeat, and we’re talking about a new investigative piece by San Diego CityBeat that’s been published today called “No Quick Fix.” We’re taking your calls at 1-888-895-5727. And let’s take a call or two right now. CeCe is calling us from Oceanside. Good morning, CeCe. Welcome to These Days.
CECE (Caller, Oceanside): Hi. Thanks for having me on.

CAVANAUGH: Yes, hi.
CECE: I, myself, am a sexual abuse survivor and I’m actually really glad to hear a little bit of rationality around the subject. The way you guys are talking about it, you’re absolutely right. It’s such an emotional issue that we all become kind of idiots when trying to deal with it. And the fact is, the people who sexually abuse children are people. In most cases, they’re like our neighbors and our uncles. And in my case, my father, my grandfather. And these are really nice people. They’re not – I mean, they look like nice people, they look like normal people. We expect them to be monsters. One in a gazillion cases are the John Gardners of the world but in most cases – And here’s a really important fact, one-third of all child sexual abuse happens at the hands of other children, older, more powerful children. Those kids need treatment. They don’t need to be labeled sex offenders and sent away for the rest of their lives. They need to be (audio dropout) and – and then they don’t have to turn into insane criminals.
CAVANAUGH: CeCe, thank you so much for your comments. Let’s take another call. Andrew is calling us from San Diego. Good morning, Andrew. Welcome to These Days.
ANDREW (Caller, San Diego): Good morning.
CAVANAUGH: Yes, hi.
ANDREW: There’s another way to handle sexual offenders that would eliminate the need for registered sex offenders database, would eliminate a need for review boards. If violent sex offenders, on their second offense, had a mandatory death penalty, the recidivism rate would be zero. You wouldn’t have to worry about repeat offenders then. They would be out of that picture, not available to exert their mental illnesses on other people.
CAVANAUGH: Well, Andrew, thank you for your comments. And I think in those two calls we spanned the gamut of the reaction that people have to the way California manages their sex – our sex offender laws. And I’d like you to comment, Dave.
ROLLAND: Well, and, indeed, that is the spectrum right there. I really appreciated CeCe’s call in particular, as you might expect. You know, she brings up the point that, you know, sex – First of all, when we’re talking about sex offenders, we are talking about such an incredibly wide universe of types of people and types of crimes. I’m not exactly sure how many crimes there are under the umbrella of sex offender but I – it’s in the dozens, I believe, you know, and we’re talking about everybody from somebody who might, you know, expose themself (sic) in public to a 20-year-old male who has a relationship with a 17-year-old female, to, you know, to sociopaths who prey on children. It’s a wide, wide array of people and one of the concerns, you asked about what’s the problem with emotion-driven responses to this kind of problem, is that the worry is that you cast too wide a net and people who get caught up in it aren’t always the people you intend to snare.
CAVANAUGH: And, Kelly, we – tell – you mentioned Jessica’s Law. And Jessica’s Law has been mentioned time and time again as the law that really tightened things up. It redefined what kind of things constituted a sexual offense that could really keep somebody in prison for a very, very long time and perhaps even send them away for life. What do we know about how Jessica’s Law is working?
DAVIS: Oh, gosh. I do know that it increased mandatory minimum sentences or implemented mandatory sentencing where in the past someone who might’ve gotten probation will now – Gosh, this is something I’m not…
CAVANAUGH: It’s very complicated.
DAVIS: Yeah. Yeah, I…
CAVANAUGH: No, I – I’m completely with you. It’s very, very complicated. Let me focus on parole though, because I know Jessica’s Law actually boosts someone’s – whether or not they are referred to mental health screening, is that correct?
DAVIS: Yes, anyone who has committed – there’s a certain category of offense that would fall under the potential sexually violent predator – or, if a person committed one of a delineated number of offenses, they will be referred for screening to determine if they are a sexually violent predator. And it’s a very involved process. There are levels of screening. It goes all the way down to a court hearing where a jury will have to determine whether or not this person’s crime was tied to a diagnosable mental disorder.
ROLLAND: It basically, in, you know, fewer words, it lowered the threshold…
DAVIS: Yeah.
ROLLAND: …in several ways for who gets snared in the net of initial screening for review on whether or not that person, when they get out of prison, should be hospitalized and protected from the community.
CAVANAUGH: Right.
ROLLAND: So I believe that the number is tenfold. It increased the number of inmates that go into this kind of screening by a factor of ten, which has caused – which is incredibly expensive, incredibly time consuming and is actually the subject of a lot of our issues with the way that the Union-Tribune has been covering the issues.
DAVIS: And I might add, in the – prior to Jessica’s Law, there was the prior sexually violent predator law required a person to have committed an offense against two victims and there had to be at least a six month period between those crimes because the person had to exhibit some sort of inclination to commit these offenses. And now here’s a good example that was given to me. Somebody who touches the leg of a child under the age of 14 and appears to be sexually aroused by that action, that person will be referred for screening under the sexually violent predator provision of Jessica’s Law.
CAVANAUGH: Let’s take another call. Laura Arnold is calling us. She’s a public defender and I believe she’s in your article.
DAVIS: Yes.
CAVANAUGH: She’s quoted in your article, Kelly. Laura, welcome to These Days.
LAURA ARNOLD (Public Defender, San Diego): Thank you.
CAVANAUGH: What is your comment? What is your initial take, if I may, about…
ARNOLD: Well, I wanted to actually respond to your last question, which was what has been the impact of Jessica’s Law.
CAVANAUGH: Right.
ARNOLD: Again, I have to refer back to the California Sex Offender Management Reports because they are very comprehensive and they really talk a great deal about how these laws have impacted registered sex offenders throughout the entire state. One example would be that the number of parolees who are now homeless and perpetually nomadic, meaning that they are sleeping on the streets, under bridges, they’re sleeping in wheelchairs, at trolley stops, those – that number has increased by more than 800%.
CAVANAUGH: Because Jessica’s Law…
ARNOLD: Because of…
CAVANAUGH: …prohibits where – has real restrictions on where registered sex offenders can live.
ARNOLD: They have one-third mile restrictions for all registered sex offenders including those who committed a misdemeanor sex offense 25 years ago and never subsequently reoffended with any sort of sex crime, those who’ve never committed any sex crime involving a minor and would never, ever conceive of doing so, those whose sex crimes were not violent, and those who are juvenile offenders, meaning that they themselves committed their sexual offense against a child while they were still a child. So the impact in our 85,000 to 90,000 sex offenders in California and it is, as the editor of CityBeat mentioned, it is one of the most heterogeneous populations one can imagine. Their offenses range all over the map. As far as the civil commitment scheme created by Jessica’s Law, the Sexually Violent Predator Act, it redefined violent to include offenses where there was no violence whatsoever but where the other participant in the offense was under the age of 14. Violent doesn’t require violence in the way that we think of violence. We, you know – but rather the way that the initiative drafters have defined violence. So now there’s this enormous list of mandates that the state has to take care of both the Department of Mental Health and the Department of Corrections and I’m not going to go back to there’s no money, that complaint, but in fact that’s a very concrete reality. You would think that when you have someone on parole who committed a sex offense 25 years ago and it’s not a particularly heinous one and that person is dying, you would think that there would be some funding available through the state to perhaps find, arrange for, some sort of compliant housing for that individual so they don’t have to die on the streets. But there isn’t any funding available. And, you know, I had a client, a misdemeanor offense 20 years ago against an adult, registered sex offender, on parole for narcotics offense. He was released on parole Thursday, ready to go home with his 70-year-old parents to celebrate Easter. He was returned to custody within less than 24 hours. So…
CAVANAUGH: Laura, well, I’m sorry. I have to stop you. I understand the point of your call, and thank you so much for calling. We really do have to take a short break and when we return, we will continue our discussion about sex offender laws in California and continue taking your calls at 1-888-895-5727. You’re listening to These Days on KPBS.
CAVANAUGH: I'm Maureen Cavanaugh, and you're listening to These Days on KPBS. My guests are Kelly Davis and David Rolland, both of San Diego CityBeat. And we’re talking about an investigative report that’s been published today in San Diego CityBeat called “No Quick Fix.” It’s an investigation into California’s sex offender laws. And I’d like to get your reaction, Kelly, to what we heard from Laura Arnold, the public defender who called in and talked about the fact that the – what she felt were the restrictions in housing on sex offenders were so tight now that we – they don’t – sex offenders don’t have any place to live. And she was saying that can be dangerous.
DAVIS: Yeah, and I’m really glad Laura called and brought that up because that is such an important point, is when you have – you have no place to live. I mean, there’s plenty of stories of sex offenders who are paroled and they cannot return to the house that they own because that house happens to be within 2,000 feet of a school or playground. But the instability that that creates, the resentment that can build up in a person and, plus, anyone who’s committed any kind of crime can tell you how difficult it is to get a job. So you have joblessness, you have homelessness, you have essentially banishment from a community, you know, if you’re on the registry. Well, you have to be on the registry. But people know where you live. They will come to your house. They will harass you even though that is – under Megan’s Law, you’re not supposed to harass sex offenders but it does happen all the time. And so, you know, if there’s one thing that can lead to recidivism, it is the instability that these laws create for people so…
CAVANAUGH: Another thing that I was – really noted in your article, Kelly, is the fact that some people, people who are involved in the California Sex Offender Management Board, were talking about treatment, treatment for sex offenders. And, you know, I think the general public, we have heard over and over again there is no effective treatment for sex offenders. Why even bother? Why even bother spending the time? Why even bother creating the programs because this treatment is not effective. What did you hear from people when you were talking about this for this article?
DAVIS: Treatment is the one thing that has been absolutely proven to reduce recidivism and I think some people will conflate treatment and cure. Everyone will agree, most everyone will agree that a sex offender cannot be cured if you do have a mental disorder that will lead to sexual offending. But you can – like any mental illness, it could be managed, it could be treated. You can be given medication, so treatment is the one thing that has been proven to reduce recidivism by at least 40% yet sex offenders in prison do not get any treatment. It has been recommended time and time again. I believe CDCR has set up a scheme for treatment in custody for sex offenders, no funding for that. Once they’re out on parole, the state recently had to discontinue its treatment for high risk sex offenders because of some contract issues. They’re trying to get that going again. But it’s pretty amazing that targeted treatment for sex offenders is not part of the mandated sex offender management plan for the state of California.
CAVANAUGH: Let’s talk to Ron. He’s calling us from Tierrasanta. We are taking your calls at 1-888-895-5727. And you can post your comments online at KPBS.org/thesedays. And good morning, Ron. Welcome to These Days.
RON (Caller, Tierrasanta): Good morning and thank you. I want to make one point. If we go for this emotionally appealing one strike law idea, what it does is turn almost every child rape into a child murder. If there is no difference in the penalty for leaving the victim alive or not, why on earth would these people leave the victims alive who can identify them? So we never think of the consequences of these emotional laws but this one will directly result in the deaths of children.
CAVANAUGH: Thank you for the call, Ron. I wonder if either of you have any reaction?
ROLLAND: I’d actually – that had not occurred to me. I mean, it’s an interesting point. You know, I should note that, you know, you talk about first offense versus second offense, whatever, sex offenders statistically have a very, very, very low recidivism rate so – and when we’re talking about violent sex crimes, it’s also – I’ve seen research that said that for the most part people who have sexual problems with attraction to children, let’s say, are not – their problem is not one of violence, it’s one of sexual arousal. So, you know, whether somebody who can rape a child is clearheaded enough to think about the consequences, you know, of, you know, you know, what will happen to them if they leave that child alive or, you know, I don’t know. I don’t know if that person is that capable of rational thought on that level.
CAVANAUGH: Now, Dave, you said a little while ago that you and the CityBeat editorial staff has had a little bit of a problem with the way the Union-Tribune has been covering this story but getting away from the specific Union-Tribune, have you had a problem with the way the media in general in San Diego has covered the King-Dubois deaths and the aftermath?
ROLLAND: Well, I, personally, have focused a lot of my attention on the Union-Tribune’s coverage because it is the local paper of record. It’s the dominant media in town and it tends to be the paper that decision makers read on a regular basis and take their cues from. Nathan Fletcher is, when he’s talking in public, he is referring to Union-Tribune stories so I have really focused on the Union-Tribune but I’m happy to just refer to the mainstream media but it really has been the U-T’s coverage and, you know, that coverage has bordered on – it’s run the gamut from, at best, sensationalized headlines, at worst, patently false headlines, to mis – what I think is mis – possible misinterpretation of data because they might be rushing things, to making irresponsible decisions such as publishing third-hand claims about what confidential documents might say and then repeating after that first story is done, repeating those claims as if they are fact without qualifying their third-hand nature. So I believe that our zeal, the mainstream media’s zeal, to get to the bottom of everything really quickly has led to some irresponsible reporting.
CAVANAUGH: Well, we will, indeed, be opening up a response from the Union-Tribune whenever they would care to make one. I’m wondering, Kelly, though, on a broader way, not just in response to a single paper, your article targets emotional reactions that have occurred all over the place, all over California, when it comes to the death or violation of a child. And I’m wondering what spurred you to look into this? Is this a subject that you have had on your radar or is this something that’s just come to you because you thought maybe the coverage has been unbalanced?
DAVIS: It’s something I’ve written about in the past just based on actually when the City of San Diego passed its Child Protection Ordinance, I believe it was a couple of years ago, that restricted – it added – it supplemented Jessica’s Law by adding presence restrictions where a person can be. And no matter when they committed their crime, you know, if you committed your crime 30 years ago, under San Diego’s Child Protection Ordinance, you can’t go to the zoo. Let’s say you have a grandkid visiting, want to go to the zoo, can’t go. That law’s actually – what’s the word? On hold? It’s…
ROLLAND: Pending.
CAVANAUGH: Pending.
DAVIS: No. There has been an injunction against the law…
CAVANAUGH: Ah, yes.
DAVIS: …a legal injunction. The law cannot be enforced currently. So that got me really interested in sex offender laws, doing a lot of research and more and more seeing that there is really no link between the laws we have in place and what research is saying and what a drain on the system these laws can be, and how, quite often, you have the indictment of an entire – the entire criminal justice system based on the actions of one person, one person and not a – There’s, you know, one thing that drives me crazy, is I keep hearing parents saying they’re afraid to let their kids out of the house. There is absolutely no evidence that there is a, you know, wave of crimes being committed by sex offenders, you know, dozens of children being snatched off the street. There are two very, very tragic instances that may have been committed, you know, by one person, we don’t know. He’s, you know, there’s – he still is entitled to a fair trial. But there’s no indication that, you know, the streets are filled with sex offenders waiting to prey on kids.
CAVANAUGH: I want to try to squeeze in one more call at least. Michael is calling us from University Heights. Good morning, Michael. Welcome to These Days.
MICHAEL (Caller, University Heights): Good morning, Maureen. I used to be a television reporter for 15 years and I know how easy it is to cover these stories with stranger sex offenders who are arrested and you have everybody turning out to search for a child, tragic as it is, and everybody willing to talk. That’s an easy story to cover. What’s disturbing to me is now that I’ve been a licensed clinical social worker, a psychotherapist and working with child trauma, children who’ve been sexually abused, we know that most sexual abuse happens within the family. It’s the child’s grandfather, uncle, mother, father, stepfather, it’s somebody the child knows. And when parents and families in the community focus on strangers, they’re taking the eye off the person inside their home that is the most likely to traumatize a child.
CAVANAUGH: Michael, thank you for the call. And let’s hear from Margaret in Poway. Good morning, Margaret, and welcome to These Days.
MARGARET (Caller, Poway): Thank you for taking my call. Hi. I just wanted to make the comment that I think – This is just my opinion. I am no expert on the subject. My father molested me so I’m a victim. I believe he and I both have ADHD which makes it difficult to control in us, now this is not true of everybody with ADHD so I don’t want everybody to get afraid of somebody that has it. But I believe that it played a part, that difficulty controlling impulses, along with the fact that I think my father had a lot of emotional problems, and that inability to control his impulses, which can be treated. There is some treatment. I’m taking medicine myself…
CAVANAUGH: Umm-hmm.

MARGARET: …which wasn’t available to him.
CAVANAUGH: I have to thank you for your call. Thank you for sharing your story with us, Margaret. And, Dave, yes.
ROLLAND: Just to underscore that, we’ve heard from two people, two women, who have called in that say they are sexual abuse survivors and both of them, it happened within their family. And that underscores the point that these things often are cyclical, that one way to prevent further instances is for people who have been victimized by somebody in their family to get treatment, that that in itself will solve a lot of the problems, just by getting treatment when you, yourself, have been the victim.
DAVIS: And…
CAVANAUGH: Yes, go ahead.
DAVIS: I just might add real quick, yeah, that research shows that 90% of children who are sexually abused know their victims (sic), so a family member, a close friend, so only about 10% are strangers.
CAVANAUGH: I want to thank you so much, Kelly, for telling us about your article today. Thank you for coming in here and talking with us.
DAVIS: You’re welcome.
CAVANAUGH: Kelly Davis is the author of “No Quick Fix.” It’s the investigative report in San Diego CityBeat. Kelly is associate editor of San Diego CityBeat. And David Rolland has been with us. He is the editor of the San Diego CityBeat. And thank you, Dave.
ROLLAND: My pleasure. Thanks for having us, Maureen.
CAVANAUGH: And if you’d like to post your comments, please go online, KPBS.org/thesedays. You’ve been listening to These Days on KPBS.

Sunday, April 17, 2011

Will CA Ease Prison Overcrowding?

Calif. cuts inmate numbers as it awaits high court

Updated 10:52 a.m., Saturday, April 16, 2011
SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — The U.S. Supreme Court is expected to decide within weeks whether federal judges can order California to reduce the inmate population in its overstuffed prisons, but the state already has taken steps that will limit the consequences if the court rules against it.
Moreover, a new state law would remove even more inmates than the federal courts contemplated. However it rules, the high court still will set a nationwide precedent as it determines the authority of federal judges to intervene in states' operations of their prison systems.
California operates the nation's largest state prison system and currently houses 142,600 inmates in its 33 adult prisons. That's down from a high of 162,268 in 2006, or a decline of 12.1 percent over five years. The state has another 20,000 inmates housed in private prisons in other states, and in firefighting camps and community correctional facilities within California.
The state would have to reduce its inmate population by an additional 33,000 — or 23 percent — if the justices uphold a panel of federal judges that found crowding had led to unconstitutionally poor medical and mental health care within the system. The judicial panel, based in San Francisco, ruled in August 2009 that the state's prisons can hold no more than about 110,000 inmates.
California would meet, and perhaps even exceed, that target if a bill signed earlier this year takes effect. That law would reduce the prison population by about 40,000 inmates by transferring many low-level offenders to county jurisdiction.
"If we get an adverse decision, we'll be well on our way to reducing our crowding levels to the levels mandated by the courts," state Corrections Secretary Matthew Cate said in an interview.
The catch in the new California law is that it cannot take effect unless it is funded.
Gov. Jerry Brown, a Democrat, says the money to reimburse counties for taking the 40,000 offenders is contained in his budget plan, which calls for a mix of spending cuts and a renewal of recent tax increases to close what had been a $26.6 billion deficit.
Democratic lawmakers already have taken steps to eliminate much of the deficit, primarily through spending cuts, but a $15.4 billion shortfall remains.
Brown is using the pending Supreme Court decision to pressure Republican lawmakers to support putting the tax extensions before voters in a special election. He wants voters to decide whether to extend for five years increases enacted two years ago in the sales, personal income and vehicle taxes, which would bring in about $9.2 billion a year. All the taxes will expire by June 30.
"We stand under the Sword of Damocles of the United States Supreme Court, which by the middle of June will be rendering a decision which in all probability will demand the release of tens of thousands of people currently housed in our prisons," Brown said during a Capitol news conference last week. "The only question is, 'Are we going to handle it properly, with a plan? Or are we just going to react without the money, without the realignment, and in a way that will be ultimately self-defeating?'"
As attorney general, Brown fought the federal intervention.
Republican state Assemblyman Jim Nielsen, a former chairman of the state parole board and the GOP's spokesman on the prisoner debate, said California would be better off rejecting Brown's plan and awaiting the Supreme Court's mandate because it would mean the release of fewer inmates — 33,000 as opposed to 40,000.
At issue in the case before the Supreme Court is a 1996 federal law that governs the authority of federal judges in inmates-rights cases. Eighteen other states joined California in arguing that the lower court went too far in ordering the prisoner release.